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Given their importance, however, it is perplexing that reparations negotiations are treated only marginally within majority of IPE literature focused on the inter-war era while the historical accounts are replete with misconceptions.Vilified as a “crushing settlement” imposed on Germany through the “vicious” Treaty of Versailles that concluded the 1919 Paris Peace Conference, purely “structural” factors are seen as having pushed two Allied victors, France and Britain, to pursue a bill of astronomical magnitude.Moreover, it argues that most research on public opinion tends to be US-centric and emphasizes that theoretical models can be improved by considering country-specific variables such as institutional frameworks or political culture.
Territory, within this framework, is not considered to be somethingthat demarcates the space of the real and the virtual; the material and the linguistic.
In order to better illustrate those arguments, I delve into President Donald Trump’s ‘zero-tolerance’ policy on immigration, launched in April 2018.
As a result, the process whereby territory is materialised is considered to be a pivotal part of the legitimation of national sovereignty in general.
Finally, this thesis also tries to address some of the socio-political consequences that spring from those political performances, especially those related to immigration, such as: the mass killing, and the random imprisonment of illegal immigrants caught at the borders.
This thesis attempts to clarify both substantive and analytical errors of such accounts by reconsidering reparation negotiations through the lenses of one of the most important debates in social science as well as IPE – the structure-agency debate.
It strives to “rewrite history” and show that the reparations bill, importantly moderated rather than colossal, could have easily been almost twice as large if it wasn’t for the leadership and ideas of three extraordinarily influential members of the British Delegation – Lord Cunliffe, Lloyd George, and Sir John Bradbury.The ambition is to write an intellectual history of the discourses and practices that led liberals to believe in an empirical and normative triumph that had never occurred.I challenge the intentions and implications of Kant’s philosophies, the “end of History” appropriation of Hegel’s dialectics, and the faulty presuppositions of Huntington’s thesis.Changes in public opinion may influence the coalition dynamics between and within political parties or set limits for decision makers at different stages.The EU’s lasting ‘enlargement fatigue’ leaves no doubt that public opinion has affected at least some member states.This policy along with his speeches on borders security are examined and then construed as examples of the ‘politics of a policy aimed particularly at materialising the American territory, dragging it away from history and sociality.In so doing, this policy enables the American state to portray itself as a mere guardian of something (territory) that is .“One War, Three Men and Six Billion Pounds: The German Reparations Question after the First World War”.Following the First World War, the victorious Allied and Associated Powers decided to impose a 30-year-long reparations obligation of £6.6 billion on Germany.Drawing particularly on Derrida, but also on other poststructuralist scholars, this thesis argues that the binary matter/language (real world/discourse) is an undecidable terrain , insofar as it takes place on an undecidable ground, the terrain of ‘the political’, to paraphrase Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe.As a consequence, this thesis intends to challenge both the notion that there is an ontological and stable demarcation between a material world and a linguistic one and the assumption that this demarcation is Subsequently, I engage with territoriality and borders in International Politics, in an attempt to demonstrate how the intuitive materiality of those structures must be constantly (re)enacted.